Το συγκεκριμένο άρθρο είναι αποκαλυπτικό για την τακτική που ακολουθεί ο κ. Τσίπρας, όχι μόνο εντός Ελλάδας αλλά και εκτός συνόρων. Τονίζει τη διγλωσσία και την ανευθυνότητα του προέδρου του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ, τις «ετοιμοθάνατες» ιδέες του για την έξοδο της Ελλάδας από την κρίση, που οδηγούν τη χώρα σε μια χαμένη ευκαιρία.
Ακολουθεί το άρθρο της εφημερίδας:
Alexis Tsipras leads Syriza's struggle against 'globalized large capital.'
Alexis Tsipras, the leader of
Greece's Syriza party-the Alliance
of the Radical Left-is currently visiting the . It will be an
interesting experience for both sides. United States
Syriza is a political party committed to overthrowing capitalism. It says so in its most recent policy document, a declaration approved last month by a congress of 3,000 party delegates. This declaration invites the Greek people to fight against an immensely powerful enemy, "globalized large capital," which supposedly drives peoples to total destitution both in
Europe and the
developing world. "Capital" is also seeking to destroy the welfare
state, drag labor rights back to the 19th century, bring wages to third-world
levels and maximize unemployment.
But why are the peoples of
not resisting the appalling march of capital? They would be, except parliamentary
institutions are a sham, not real democracy, per Syriza's declaration. So the
party is promising a "radical transformation of society" toward
socialism. It clearly and unequivocally rejects any attempt at improving
capitalism with what it calls "cosmetic changes."
Syriza vows that its view of socialism is not "the replication of other models, which sought to rely on the same ideas, but misinterpreted them, failed to remain faithful to them and finally, for many complex reasons, self-destructed." Syriza hopes to succeed where other socialist experiments failed. The declaration says that "we ought . . . to learn as much as we can and as fully as we can from this great venture and this great historical experience, with its novel achievements and its transforming failures."
This account of mass murder and mass imprisonment as a "great venture" or a "great historical experience" is shocking, but it shouldn't be. Mr. Tsipras joined the hard-line Greek Communist party in 1989, as the rest of the world was discovering the secrets of the East German police. Mr. Tsipras moved to Syriza a few years later. He is surrounded by like-minded stalwarts.
Alexis Tsipras is greeted by supporters in
Syriza came from nowhere to win second place in the Greek elections of May and June 2012. Its message of anti-establishment resistance found sympathetic ears both at home and abroad. Alone among almost all European politicians, Mr. Tsipras argued that
did not need another EU-IMF
bailout. He wanted Greece
to withdraw from the bailout program, reverse the austerity measures and
nationalize banks and large businesses. He also argued that Greece could
secure a bigger bailout if it threatened to destroy the euro
It was a hopeless plan. If German Chancellor Angela Merkel and other leaders had gone along with Syriza's tactics, they would have invited other indebted states in the euro zone to make similar demands, which ultimately the euro zone can not pay for. Fortunately, last June, the Greek people voted to stay in the EU-IMF bailout program, thereby averting a catastrophic default and Greek exit from the euro zone.
But what explains the rise of this once-marginal anti-capitalist alliance of Communists and former Communists? Syriza's plan was indeed irresponsible, but was supported by an excellent argument, which explains the party's popularity. Syriza correctly connected the Greek crisis to the injustice and inept design of the world's financial system.
It is intolerable that ordinary Greek (or Irish, or Portuguese, or Spanish) people should alone shoulder the burden of all the errors committed by their own leaders, the managers of incompetent commercial banks, the various regulators and the early designers of the euro. The flaws in the design of the monetary union have vastly magnified the consequences of
own mistakes. So the plan to seek more help from the EU was not just a threat.
It was also an attempt to correct the injustice of saving the bosses and
punishing the taxpayers. Greece
Unfortunately, Syriza is not pursuing this line of thinking any longer, for implicit in such an argument was the endorsement of a market economy. Syriza has now turned away from offering a serious analysis of the debt crisis or indeed contributing to a European debate. It is committed instead to class war, socialist revolution and crushing "capital." Its rise and current positions are a missed opportunity, both for
and the West. Greece
For all his appearance of control, Mr. Tsipras is a weak leader. He tells his audiences whatever they long to hear. Abroad, he speaks in favor of
Europe, but at
home he advocates ultra-nationalist protectionism. He promises to work with
business, while he condemns capitalism and the very idea of profit. He rails
against tax evasion but seeks to prevent audits of small businesses.
Recent polls show that
turning to communism or to extreme nationalism. But a significant part of the
electorate is attracted by these moribund ideas, which shows how far some have
lost their way. Greek public debate is still choked by hatred and despair.
However insignificant it may be in the long run, Syriza's defense of
totalitarianism is another sign of the confusion and misery that the Greek
people are going through. Greece
Mr. Eleftheriadis is a fellow in Law at Mansfield College,